I explained to them that [Abdulmutallab] was in FBI custody, that Mr. Abdulmutallab was, in fact, talking, that he was cooperating at that point. They knew that “in FBI custody” means that there's a process then you follow as far as Mirandizing and presenting him in front of a magistrate. None of those individuals raised any concerns with me at that point. They didn't say, “Is he going into military custody?” “Is he going to be Mirandized?” They were very appreciative of the information, we told them we'd keep them informed, and that's what we did. So there's been a-quite a bit of an outcry after the fact where, again, I'm just very concerned on the behalf of the counterterrorism professionals throughout our government that politicians continue to make this a political football and are using it for whatever political or partisan purposes, whether they be Democrats or Republicans. संक्षेपीकरण : गरीबी और शिक्षा का अभाव गरीबी का कारण नहीं है, परंतु शिक्षा का अभाव और रोजगार का अभाव लोगों को आतंकवाद के विचार की ओर आकर्षित करता है। क्या भेद है इनमें? हम क्या करें जब व्हाइट हाउस ही आतर्किक को विश्लेषण के रूप में प्रस्तुत करता है।
12.
Saddam happily boasted of duping the world about stockpiling weapons of mass destruction. And he consistently denied cooperating with Osama Bin Laden's Al Qaeda. … Asked how he would have faced “fanatic” Iranian ayatollahs if Iraq had been proven toothless by UN weapons inspectors in 2003, Saddam said he would have cut a deal with Bush. “Hussein replied Iraq would have been extremely vulnerable to attack from Iran and would have sought a security agreement with the U.S. to protect it from threats in the region,” according to a 2004 FBI report among the declassified files. … Asked about WMDs, Saddam insisted: “We destroyed them. We told you. By God, if I had such weapons, I would have used them in the fight against the U.S.” ईराक के रणनीतिक संशय ने विषय को और पेचीदा बना दिया. इस बात को भांपकर कि ईराक की कमजोरी के सन्देश से उस पर शत्रुओं विशेष रूप से ईरान के आक्रमण का खतरा है, सद्दाम दुनिया को सन्देश देना चाहता था कि उसके पास जनसंहारक हथियार हैं. साथ ही उसे यह भी आभास था कि गठबन्धन की देखभाल के लिये आवश्यक है कि पश्चिमी देशों को भरोसा दिलाया जाये कि उसके पास वे जनसंहारक हथियार अब नहीं हैं.
13.
Brennan implied that his Republican interlocutors should have concluded from his statement that Abdulmutallab was in custody and was cooperating that he would be given a Miranda warning and a lawyer. A reasonable person would not draw any such conclusion, however, and in fact Brennan's interlocutors did not . Brennan angrily asserted that he was “tiring of politicians using national security issues such as terrorism as a political football. They are going out there, they're, they're unknowing of the facts, and they're making charges and allegations that are not anchored in reality.” If Brennan is tired, his lassitude must derive from his own exertions in political football. चलिये हम बयान पर ध्यान देते हैं, “ जब सरकारें अपने लोगों की मूलभूत सुविधाओं को पूरा करने में असफल होती हैं तो लोग हिंसा और मृत्यु की विचारधारा की ओर आकर्षित होते हैं”, इसमें दो त्रुटियाँ हैं। पहला, इसमें समाजवादी कल्पना है कि सरकारें मूलभूत आवश्यकतायें उपलब्ध कराती हैं। नहीं, कुछ वस्तु समृद्ध राज्यों में सरकारें सुरक्षा करती हैं और वैधानिक ढाँचा उपलब्ध कराती हैं जबकि बाजार इसे उपलब्ध कराता है।
14.
The pro-MeK side argues that the MeK has a history of cooperating with Washington, providing valuable intelligence on Iranian nuclear plans and tactical intelligence about Iranian efforts in Iraq. Further, just as the MeK's organizational and leadership skills helped bring down the shah in 1979, these skills can again facilitate regime change . The number of street protestors arrested for association with the MeK points to its role in demonstrations, as do slogans echoing MeK chants, e.g., calling Supreme Leader Ali Khamene'i a “henchman,” President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad a “dictator,” and shouting “down with the principle of Velayat-e Faqih ” (that a religious figure heads the government). Maryam Rajavi, head of the Mujahedeen-e Khalq, with Rudy Giuliani, former mayor of New York, in June 2011. एमईके से सहानुभूति रखने वाले पक्ष का तर्क है कि एमईके का इतिहास वाशिंगटन के साथ सहयोग करने का, ईरानी परमाणु संयंत्र के सम्बंध में मह्त्वपूर्ण खुफिया सूचनायें प्रदान करने और इराक में ईरानी प्रयासों के सम्बंध में भी रणनीतिक खुफिया सूचनायें प्रदान करने का रहा है। इससे आगे जिस प्रकार इस संगठन और नेतृत्व की क्षमता की सहायता से 1979 में शाह के शासन को उलट दिया गया उसी प्रकार शासन में परिवर्तन के लिये इनकी क्षमताओं का उपयोग किया जा सकता है। सडक पर विरोध करने वालों को एमईके के साथ सहयोग के आरोप में गिरफ्तार किया जाना भी विरोध प्रदर्शन में इसकी भूमिका को सिद्ध करता है और साथ ही ये नारे भी कि सर्वोच्च नेता अली खोमैनी “ अपराधी” हैं , राष्ट्रपति महमूद अहमदीनेजाद “तानाशाह” हैं और धार्मिक नेता के राज्य के प्रमुख होने के विरुद्ध नारे।
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