The Jews , if they are wise , will accept the teaching of history , and make friends with the Arabs and throw their weight on the side of the independence of Palestine , and not seek a position of advantage and dominance with the help of the imperialist power . अगर यहूदी लोग समझदार हैं , तो इतिहास से शिक्षा ग्रहण करेंगे और अरबों के साथ दोस्ती का रिश्ता कायम Zकरेंगे , फिलीस्तीन की आजादी की लड़ाई में अपना कंधा देंगे , अपना ही फायदा नहीं सोचेंगे और न साम्राज़्यवादी वाकत की मदद से अपना दबदबा कायम करना चाहेंगे .
32.
The Arabs of Palestine will no doubt gain their independence , but this is likely to be a part of the larger unity of Arab peoples for which the countries of western Asia have so long hankered after , and this again will be part of the new order which will emerge out of present-day chaos . इसमें कोई शक नहीं कि फिलीस्तीन के अरब अपनी आजादी हासिल करेंगे , लेकिन यह आजादी अरब लोगों की उस व्यापक एकता का Zएक हिस्सा होगी और जिसके लिए पश्चिमी एशिया के मुल्क अब तक बेकरार रहे हैं और तब यह उस नयी व्यवस्था का अंग होगी , जो मौजूदा उथल-पुथल के बाद उभरेगी .
33.
American politicians, including both George W. Bush and Obama, have since 2008 occasionally referred to Israel as the Jewish state, even as they studiously avoided demanding Palestinians to do likewise. In a typical declaration, Obama in 2011 sketched the ultimate diplomatic goal as “two states for two people: Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish people and the State of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people.” Barack Obama changed U.S. policy in a speech at a convention center in Jerusalem. अभी छह सप्ताह पूर्व ही अब्बास ने पुनः यहूदी राज्य की कल्पना को खंडित किया। फिलीस्तीन की ओर से यहूदी राज्य की इतनी जोरदार अस्वीकार्यता और कुछ नहीं हो सकती।
34.
So called because of the nearly 5 million official refugees served by UNRWA (short for the “United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East”), only about 1 percent are real refugees who fit the agency's definition of “people whose normal place of residence was Palestine between June 1946 and May 1948, who lost both their homes and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 Arab-Israeli conflict.” The other 99 percent are descendants of those refugees, or what I call fake refugees. मैं लम्बे समय से कहता आया हूँ कि इजरायल के विरुद्ध आक्रामक , कलुषित हृदय का अरब युद्ध वास्तव में जेरूसलम , चेकप्वाइन्ट या बस्तियों में न होकर फिलीस्तीनी शरणार्थियों से जुडा है।
35.
So called because of the nearly 5 million official refugees served by UNRWA (short for the “United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East”), only about 1 percent are real refugees who fit the agency's definition of “people whose normal place of residence was Palestine between June 1946 and May 1948, who lost both their homes and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 Arab-Israeli conflict.” The other 99 percent are descendants of those refugees, or what I call fake refugees. मैं लम्बे समय से कहता आया हूँ कि इजरायल के विरुद्ध आक्रामक , कलुषित हृदय का अरब युद्ध वास्तव में जेरूसलम , चेकप्वाइन्ट या बस्तियों में न होकर फिलीस्तीनी शरणार्थियों से जुडा है।
36.
Despairing of self-rule, some Palestinians welcome the Jordanian option. An unnamed senior PA official told Diker and Inbari that a form of federation or confederation with Jordan offers “the only reasonable, stable, long-term solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.” Hanna Seniora opined that “The current weakened prospects for a two-state solution forces us to revisit the possibility of a confederation with Jordan.” The New York Times ' Hassan M. Fattah quotes a Palestinian in Jordan: “Everything has been ruined for us - we've been fighting for 60 years and nothing is left. It would be better if Jordan ran things in Palestine, if King Abdullah could take control of the West Bank.” इन तीन सम्भावनाओं को छोडकर केवल एक व्यावहारिक रुख सही लगता है जो कि 1948 से 67 के मध्य सहिष्णु रूप से कार्य भी कर गया था:
37.
Arafat reminded viewers of a decision by the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1974 to establish “a national authority on any part of Palestinian soil that is liberated or from which the Israelis withdraw.” He presented the Oslo accord as a step toward the piecemeal dismantling of Israel. अराफात ने दर्शकों को 1974 में फिलीस्तीन लिबरेशन आर्गनाइजेशन के उस निर्णय की याद दिलाई कि इजरायल द्वारा छोड़े गये क्षेत्र या फिलीस्तीनी भूमि के किसी भाग पर राष्ट्रीय प्रधिकरण की स्थापना की जायेगी। उन्होंने ओस्लो समझौते को इजरायल को धीरे-धीरे नष्ट करने की दिशा में एक कदम के रूप में प्रस्तुत किया।
38.
The origins of this unique case, notes Nitza Nachmias of Tel Aviv University, goes back to Count Folke Bernadotte , the United Nations Security Council's mediator. Referring to those Arabs who fled the British mandate of Palestine, he argued in 1948 that the UN had a “responsibility for their relief” because it was a UN decision, the establishment of Israel, that had made them refugees. However inaccurate his view, it still remains alive and potent and helps explain why the UN devotes unique attention to Palestine refugees pending their own state. अरब इजरायल संघर्ष को चलाने वाले मुद्दों में कोई भी इतना अधिक दुष्प्रचारित, केंद्रीय , प्रमुख , शास्वत, भावनात्मक और जटिल नहीं है जितना कि उन लोगों की स्थिति जो लोग फिलीस्तीनी शरणार्थी के रूप में जाने जाते हैं।
39.
The origins of this unique case, notes Nitza Nachmias of Tel Aviv University, goes back to Count Folke Bernadotte , the United Nations Security Council's mediator. Referring to those Arabs who fled the British mandate of Palestine, he argued in 1948 that the UN had a “responsibility for their relief” because it was a UN decision, the establishment of Israel, that had made them refugees. However inaccurate his view, it still remains alive and potent and helps explain why the UN devotes unique attention to Palestine refugees pending their own state. अरब इजरायल संघर्ष को चलाने वाले मुद्दों में कोई भी इतना अधिक दुष्प्रचारित, केंद्रीय , प्रमुख , शास्वत, भावनात्मक और जटिल नहीं है जितना कि उन लोगों की स्थिति जो लोग फिलीस्तीनी शरणार्थी के रूप में जाने जाते हैं।
40.
The terrorist groups themselves brazenly announced operations as usual, if a touch more discreet. In Beirut, Hamas asserted its office in Syria was open. Representatives of Islamic Jihad boasted, “This is just talk” and “Nothing has changed.” “We heard nothing of that,” said one Popular Front official. “No change has occurred in our situation,” added a leader of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine. परन्तु आतंकवादी गुटों ने बेशर्मी से अपने क्रियाकलाप की पहले जैसी घोषणा की। बेरूत में हमास ने सीरिया में अपने कार्यालयों को खुला रखना दुहराया। इस्लामिक जिहाद के प्रतिनिधियो ने डींग हाँकते हुए कहा ‘ यह तो सिर्फ बातचीत है ''और कुछ भी परिवर्तित नहीं हुआ है।
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