One key shift in U.S. policy was overlooked in the barrage of news about Barack Obama's eventful fifty-hour visit to Israel last week. That would be the demand that Palestinians recognize Israel as the Jewish state, called by Hamas leader Salah Bardawil “the most dangerous statement by an American president regarding the Palestinian issue.” ओबामा ने फिलीस्तीनियों से कहा: यहूदी राज्य को स्वीकार करो
42.
In contrast, only a small number of conservatives in Israel and the United States point out the continued power of Palestinian rejectionism. इस विचार की पृष्ठभूमि में यह देखना महत्वपूर्ण है कि इजरायल और और अमेरिका के मतदाता वास्तविक रूप में फिलीस्तीनी आशय के बारे में क्या सोचते हैं ?
43.
Surprisingly, something useful has emerged from the combination of the misconceived Annapolis meeting and a weak Israeli prime minister, Ehud (“Peace is achieved through concessions”) Olmert . Breaking with his predecessors, Olmert has boldly demanded that his Palestinian bargaining partners accept Israel's permanent existence as a Jewish state, thereby evoking a revealing response. इजरायल को यहूदी राज्य के रूप में स्वीकार किया जाये?
44.
These many approaches are very different in spirit and mutually exclusive. But they have a key element in common. All manage the conflict without resolving it. All ignore the need to defeat Palestinian rejectionism. All seek to finesse war rather than win it. राष्ट्रपति बुश और नतान शारंस्की का प्रस्ताव कि फिलीस्तीनी अरब को अच्छे प्रशासन की ओर उन्मुख किया जाये
45.
The government of Pakistan was deemed on the verge of overthrow. Hostilities in Afghanistan were seen as inflaming rage against America. Some even foreshadowed Mubarak's prediction: “They can kill bin Laden,” said a Palestinian interviewed in London's Guardian . “But there will be hundreds more bin Ladens.” Well, it was not to be. तालिबान दो महीने के भीतर ध्वस्त हो गये और उसके साथ ये भविष्यवाणियाँ भी ।
46.
My caution today concerns both points. Palestinian ambitions to destroy the Jewish state remain alive. And the U.S. government's ability to enforce Palestinian compliance more effectively than did the Israelis remains in question. जब फिलीस्तीनियों के को आतंकवाद छोड़ने के लिए नहीं कहा जाता तब तक उनके साथ कोई भी समझौता हिंसा को बढ़ाने वाला ही होगा
47.
My caution today concerns both points. Palestinian ambitions to destroy the Jewish state remain alive. And the U.S. government's ability to enforce Palestinian compliance more effectively than did the Israelis remains in question. जब फिलीस्तीनियों के को आतंकवाद छोड़ने के लिए नहीं कहा जाता तब तक उनके साथ कोई भी समझौता हिंसा को बढ़ाने वाला ही होगा
48.
In another column this month, “ Solving the ‘Palestinian Problem' ,” I endorsed the Jordan-Egypt option, whereby the one former takes over the West Bank and the latter Gaza. इस माह एक और स्तम्भ Solving the 'Palestinian Problem में मैंने जार्डन और मिस्र के विकल्प की बात की जहाँ कि पहला पश्चिमी तट को और दूसरा गाजा पर नियंत्रण कर ले।
49.
Non-contiguous sovereignty : Jews living separate from Israel proper could live under Israeli rule. Palestinian sovereignty : Once Palestinian Arabs truly accept the Zionist presence, then Jews in the territories could live under Palestinian rule. असम्पर्कित प्रभुसत्ता - इजरायल से अलग निवास करने वाले यहूदी इजरायली शासन के अन्दर समुचित ढंग से रह सकते हैं ।
50.
Non-contiguous sovereignty : Jews living separate from Israel proper could live under Israeli rule. Palestinian sovereignty : Once Palestinian Arabs truly accept the Zionist presence, then Jews in the territories could live under Palestinian rule. असम्पर्कित प्रभुसत्ता - इजरायल से अलग निवास करने वाले यहूदी इजरायली शासन के अन्दर समुचित ढंग से रह सकते हैं ।
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